CHAPTER XXV. THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD WAR
The United States, therefore, found itself after the close of the World War in much the same position that it had been in more than half a century earlier at the end of the Civil War. The unity of purpose and the devotion to ideals which had overcome all difficulties during the combat had seemingly, at least, given way to partisan diversity of endeavor, to strife for supremacy in government and to the avoidance of the great problems of reconstruction. Time, patience and controversy would be necessary to bring about a wise settlement. The United States was face to face with the greatest problems that had arisen since the Civil War.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
The opposition to the Wilson foreign policy is best expressed in Theodore Roosevelt, Fear God and Take Your Own Part (1916). Roosevelt's condonation of the invasion of Belgium is in The Outlook(Sept., 1914), "The World War." Wilson's changing attitude toward the war is explained in A.M. Low, Woodrow Wilson, an Interpretation (1918), but is best followed in his addresses and messages. The early stages of the war and American interest in it are described in Ogg; The American Year Book; J.B. McMaster, The United States in the World War (1918); J.W. Gerard, My Four Years in Germany(1918), superficial but interesting and written by the American Ambassador; Brand Whitlock, Belgium (2 vols., 1919), verbose, but well written by the United States minister to Belgium; Dodd, already mentioned; J.S. Bassett, Our War with Germany (1919), written in excellent spirit. The President's address calling for a declaration of war is contained in the various editions of his addresses, and in War Information Series, No. 1, "The War Message and Pacts Behind It," published by the Committee on Public Information.
The subject of federal agencies for the prosecution of the war is fully discussed in W.F. Willoughby, Government Organization in War Time and After (1919); there is no adequate account of the Committee on Public Information. On the government and the railroads, consult F.H. Dixon in Quarterly Journal of Economics (Aug., 1919), "Federal Operation of Railroads during the War." E.L. Bogart,Direct and Indirect Costs of the Great World War (1918), is useful.
Combat operations are described in the general histories of the war already mentioned, and in "Report of General Pershing" in War Department, Annual Report, 1918.
Accounts of the Peace Conference, the Treaty and the League of Nations labor under the attempt to prove President Wilson right or wrong, in addition to such insurmountable difficulties as lack of information and perspective. J.S. Bassett, Our War with Germany (1919), has some temperate chapters; Dodd is friendly to Wilson, but not offensively partisan; R.S. Baker, What Wilson did at Paris (1919) is readable; J.M. Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (1920), is interesting and designed to prove a point; see also C.H. Haskins and R.H. Lord, Some Problems of the Peace Conference(1920); the account in the American Year Book for 1919 lacks something of its usual non-partisan balance. On the League of Nations a thorough study is S.P.H. Duggan, The League of Nations (1919). Material opposing the treaty may be found in The New Republic, The Nation, and the North American Review; favorable to it is the editorial page of the New York Times, whose columns contain the best day-to-day accounts of the debates in the Senate.
A full bibliography is A.E. McKinley (ed.), Collected Materials for the Study of the War (1918).
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[1] As a result of this incident the Senate decided to limit somewhat its rule allowing unlimited debate. Under the "closure" rule adopted March 8, 1917, a two-thirds majority may limit discussion on any measure to one hour for each member.