A sufficient bibliography of Australian history would absorb more space than it would be judicious to allot to it in a work having the scope and aim of this volume; nor is it proposed even to give a complete list of the books which have been used by the author. But a few brief notes concerning each chapter, to guide the reader who desires to obtain more information on particular points, may be useful. A valuable working bibliography is Mr. Arthur Wadsworth's CATALOGUE OF THE LIBRARY OF THE COMMONWEALTH PARLIAMENT (1912), which, though not complete, is very full. It is arranged on the Dewey system, and has a good index.

General histories of Australia include Rusden, HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA, 3 vols. (1897); Jenks, HISTORY OF THE AUSTRALASIAN COLONIES (1895), especially valuable on legal points; Jose, HISTORY OF AUSTRALASIA (the edition of 1911, published in Sydney, is excellent); and the same author's AUSTRALASIA (London, 1901), which, though brief, is good. Shann's ECONOMIC HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA (Cambridge, 1930) is also very useful.

CHAPTER I. - The pieces printed in R. H. Major's EARLY VOYAGES TO TERRA AUSTRALIS (1859) are all of great value. They include Torres's 'Relation' of his voyage. Beazley's PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR gives a good account of the Portuguese voyages. Markham, VOYAGES OF QUIROS, translates and discusses the Spanish navigator's adventure at the New Hebrides. Collingridge's FIRST DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA (1906) and the same author's DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA (1895) are excellent surveys. The best work on the subject is that of G. Arnold Wood, THE DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA (1922). It is well illustrated with maps.

CHAPTER II. - J. E. Heeres, in THE PART BORNE BY THE DUTCH IN THE DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA (printed in Dutch and English, 1899), gives a well-illustrated account of that part of the subject. Backhouse Walker's volume, EARLY TASMANIA (Hobart, 1902), includes an excellent sketch of the life and voyages of Tasman. Coote's collection of REMARKABLE MAPS (Amsterdam, 1895 et seq.) is an invaluable work.

CHAPTER III. - Dampier's VOYAGES have been reprinted, 1906. His Life, by Clark Russell, is a good brief sketch. Cook's Journal, edited by Admiral Wharton (1893), contains the authoritative account of the ENDEAVOUR Voyage. Cook's log, and the journals of some of his officers, are printed in Part I, Vol. I, of the HISTORICAL RECORDS OF YEW SOUTH WALES. There are many biographies of Cook. The latest is by Kitson (second edition, 1911).

CHAPTER IV. - The principal documents respecting the foundation of Sydney are printed in the HISTORICAL RECORDS OF NEW SOUTH WALES, Vol. I., Part II. Becke and Jeffery's ADMIRAL PHILLIP is a serviceable biography of the founder of Sydney. Phillip's AUTHENTIC JOURNAL (1788) records the events of the voyage and the arrival of the First Fleet. Scott's LIFE OF LAPEROUSE (Sydney, 1912) relates the reasons for the appearance of the French ships in Botany Bay and the fate of the expedition. Collins's ACCOUNT OF THE ENGLISH COLONY IN NEW SOUTH WALES (reprinted 1910) is very valuable for this period.

CHAPTER V. - The literature concerning the convict system is extensive. Many details are to be found in Vols. II. to VII. of the HISTORICAL RECORDS OF NEW SOUTH WALES and the HISTORICAL RECORDS OF AUSTRALIA. The reports of the House of Commons Committees on Transportation, 1812 and 1837, and J. T. Bigge's reports, 1823, are of the utmost value. Glimpses of the life of the convict settlement are given in such books as R. W. Eastwick's MASTER MARINER, the MEMOIRS OF JOSEPH HOLT, Roger Therry's REMINISCENCES, Macarthur's NEW SOUTH WALES (1837), etc.

CHAPTER VI. - Documents relative to the governorships of Hunter, King, and Bligh are printed in Vols. III. to VI. of the HISTORICAL RECORDS OF NEW SOUTH WALES, and the despatches of Hunter and King are contained in Vols. I. to V. of Series I. of the HISTORICAL RECORDS OF AUSTRALIA. The EARLY RECORDS OF THE MACARTHURS OF CAMDEN (Sydney, 1914) contains much useful information.

CHAPTER VII. - Bass's Journal of his whale-boat voyage to Westernport is printed in Vol. III. of the HISTORICAL RECORDS. Scott's LIFE OF FLINDERS (1914) treats of the work of Bass as well as of the subject of the book; and the same author's TERRE NAPOLEON (1910) deals with Baudin's French expedition. The LOGBOOKS OF THE LADY NELSON by Ida Lee (London, 1915) is very valuable. Flinders's VOYAGE TO TERRA AUSTRALIS (1814) is a fundamental authority. Collins is also of first-class importance.

CHAPTER VIII. - The material for this chapter is very scattered, and much of the documentary information is unpublished. Amongst the books which are useful are Bonwick's DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT OF FORT PHILLIP (1856) and the same author's PORT PHILLIP SETTLEMENT (1883), West's HISTORY OF TASMANIA (1832), Backhouse Walker's papers on the foundation of Hobart and the first settlement of the Derwent in his EARLY TASMANIA (1902), Labilliere's EARLY HISTORY OF VICTORIA (1878), and Gyles Turner's HISTORY OF THE COLONY OF VICTORIA (1904).

CHAPTER IX. - The HISTORICAL RECORDS OF NEW SOUTH WALES come to an end with the commencement of Macquarie's governorship, but Vol. VII. contains interesting material relative to his first two years of rule. A COLONIAL AUTOCRACY by M. Phillips (1909) is an excellent study of his administration. Bigge's Reports (1822-3) are of extreme importance. Macquarie's Journals are in manuscript in the Mitchell Library, Sydney.

CHAPTER X. - Cramp's STATE AND FEDERAL CONSTITUTIONS IN AUSTRALIA (1913) summarizes the early constitutional enactments in a useful manner. The history of the period has to be gleaned largely from the columns of such journals as the AUSTRALIAN, the ATLAS, and the MONITOR, all published in Sydney. Patchett Martin's LIFE AND LETTERS OF ROBERT LOWE, VISCOUNT SHERBROOKE, is also useful.

CHAPTER XI. - Mrs. N. G. Sturt's LIFE OF CHARLES STURT (1899) and Sturt's own TWO EXPEDITIONS INTO THE INTERIOR OF SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA (1833) are invaluable records of these remarkable achievements. Mitchell's THREE EXPEDITIONS INTO THE INTERIOR OF EASTERN AUSTRALIA (1848) is an essential authority. Favenc's HISTORY OF AUSTRALIAN EXPLORATION (1898) and the same author's EXPLORERS OF AUSTRALIA AND THEIR LIFE WORK (1908) are very good and dependable works.

CHAPTER XII. - The official papers respecting the foundation of Western Australia, printed in the House of Commons Papers for 1829, Vol. XXIV., 1830, Vol. XXI., are of primary importance. Irwin's STATE AND POSITION OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA (1835) is a little book from the pen of one who was a Governor of the colony. Evidence as to the transportation system in Western Australia is contained in the ENGLISH PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS for 1856, Vol. XVII. See also Battye's HISTORY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA (1924).

CHAPTER XIII. - Wakefield's ART OF COLONIZATION, published in 1849, has been reprinted (1913). The best account of the application of Wakefield's theories in Australia is in R. C. Mills, THE COLONIZATION OF AUSTRALIA, THE WAKEFIELD EXPERIMENT IN EMPIRE BUILDING (1915). Hodder's HISTORY OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA (1893) was written largely from the papers of George Fife Angas. The reports of the Colonization Commissioners contained in the English Parliamentary Papers, 1836, Vol. XXIX., and 1839, Vol. XVII.; and the reports of the select committee on South Australia 1841, Vol. IV., are of the utmost value. Henderson's LIFE OF SIR GEORGE GREY (1907) devotes particular attention to his work in South Australia. A later work of importance is A. Grenfell Price's FOUNDATION AND SETTLEMENT OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA (1924).

CHAPTER XIV. - The works of Labilliere and Gyles Turner, already cited, and Bonwick's JOHN BATMAN (1867), are to be recommended. A paper by the author on 'Lonsdale and the foundation of Melbourne' in the VICTORIAN HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, Vol. IV. (1915), contains some fresh material. Finn's ('Garryowen') CHRONICLES OF EARLY MELBOURNE (1888) cannot be overlooked.

CHAPTER XV. - The histories of Tasmania by West and Fenton are the best general sources of information. The Report of the House of Commons Committee on Transportation, 1837-8, is full of interesting material. Backhouse, NARRATIVE OF A VISIT TO THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES (1843), Bonwick, THE LOST TASMANIAN RACE (1884) and Boxall, AUSTRALIAN BUSHRANGING, are good.

CHAPTER XVI. - Much of the important printed material concerning squatting and land is contained in pamphlet literature and in the legislation bearing upon the question. The whole subject requires more study than has yet been given to it. The most comprehensive work is S. H. Roberts's HISTORY OF AUSTRALIAN LAND SETTLEMENT (1924). The several books of the Rev. Dr. LANG - PHILLIPSLAND (1847), COOKSLAND (1847), HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF NEW SOUTH WALES (1834), etc., contain much that is interesting. Several memoirs by squatters, such as Curr's RECOLLECTIONS OF SQUATTING IN VICTORIA (1883), the REMINISCENCES OF ALEXANDER BERRY (1912), yield some interesting points. The EARLY RECORDS OF THE MACARTHURS OF CAMDEN (1914) contains authentic material.

CHAPTER XVII. - 'The resistance to the convict transportation system' is studied in a paper by the author in the VICTORIAN HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, Vol. I. (1911). The reports of the English Prison Commissioners for the period covered by the chapter explain what the new system was. Lord Grey's COLONIAL POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL (1853) expounds the official case. The Sydney and Melbourne newspapers of the period reveal the strength of the resistance to the new transportation policy.

CHAPTER XVIII. - The 'Papers re proposed alterations in the Constitutions of the Australian Colonies' contained in the English Parliamentary Papers, 1849, Vol. XXV., and those published during 1850-56 are of much interest, and the debates in the House of Commons and the House of Lords on the Bill of 1850 are not negligible. Chapters VII. and XL of Jenks's HISTORY OF THE AUSTRALASIAN COLONIES are a valuable commentary on the constitutional history of the country.

CHAPTER XIX. - Information concerning gold and other mining in Australia is scattered over a wide variety of publications. The books detailed in pp. 382-4 of the CATALOGUE OF THE COMMONWEALTH LIBRARY have been taken as a guide for the chapter. A comprehensive treatise on Australian mining from the historical and social point of view is much required. The story of the Eureka Stockade is told in Gyles Turner's OUR OWN LITTLE REBELLION (1912).

CHAPTER XX. - Grey's TWO EXPEDITIONS OF DISCOVERY IN AUSTRALIA (1841), Eyre's JOURNALS OF EXPEDITIONS OF DISCOVERY (1845), McDouall Stuart's EXPLORATION ACROSS THE CONTINENT OF AUSTRALIA (1861-2) and his EXPLORATIONS IN AUSTRALIA (1865), Leichhardt's JOURNAL OF AN OVERLAND EXPEDITION (1847), Landsborough's EXPLORATIONS OF AUSTRALIA (1867), and his JOURNAL (1862), Sturt's NARRATIVE OF AN EXPEDITION INTO CENTRAL AUSTRALIA (1849), Mitchell's JOURNAL OF AN EXPEDITION INTO THE INTERIOR OF TROPICAL AUSTRALIA (1848), Forrest's EXPLORATIONS IN AUSTRALIA (1875), are all first-hand narratives. Despatches respecting Burke and Wills are in the English Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Vol. XXXVII.

CHAPTER XXI. - Coote's HISTORY OF QUEENSLAND (1882) covers the early period. Lang's COOKSLAND is useful. The story of the Port Curtis settlement is told in J. F. Hogan's THE GLADSTONE COLONY (1898). Papers on the separation of Moreton Bay from New South Wales are in the House of Commons Papers for 1859, Vol. XVII.

CHAPTER XXII. - The story of South Australia's undertaking to administer the Northern Territory is contained in the documents in the South Australian Parliamentary Papers from 1863-66. There are interesting letters about the Port Essington settlement in the English Parliamentary Papers, 1843, Vol. XXXIII.

CHAPTER XXIII. - The parliamentary debates and papers of the period covered by the chapter need to be consulted to gain a thorough insight into the controversies. Morris's MEMOIR OF GEORGE HIGINBOTHAM, (1895) is good. Gyles Turner's HISTORY OF THE COLONY OF VICTORIA is strongly biased against McCulloch and Berry. Sir George Bowen's THIRTY YEARS OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT (1889) is very valuable. Pratt's DAVID SYME (1908) throws some sidelights on the questions at issue.

CHAPTER XXIV. - The papers and parliamentary proceeding of the six States, which are very voluminous records, are the chief sources of information. Torrens's book on the SOUTH AUSTRALIAN SYSTEM OF CONVEYANCING BY REGISTRATION OF TITLE (1859) explains his Real Property Act. The facts about the various subjects discussed in the chapter are drawn from too wide a field to be conveniently summarized.

CHAPTER XXV. - The parliamentary papers relating to the Pacific and New Guinea are of unusual interest. The New Guinea documents are in the House of Commons Papers 1876, Vol. LIV., 1883, Vol. XLVII., 1884, Vol. LV. The papers for 1884 also contain documents relating to New Caledonia. The Kanaka labour traffic is dealt with in the papers for 1867-8, Vol. XLVIII. George Palmer, in his KIDNAPPING IN THE SOUTH SEAS (1871), gives a personal narrative of experiences. Jacomb, FRANCE AND ENGLAND IN THE NEW HEBRIDES (1914), is useful.

CHAPTER XXVI. - Quick and Garran's ANNOTATED CONSTITUTION OF THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH (1901) contains an excellent history of the federation movement. The debates of the 1891 Convention were published in one volume.

CHAPTER XXVII. - Quick and Garran, and Harrison Moore's COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA (second edition, 1910), contain the best commentaries. The debates of the 1897-8 Convention are printed in four volumes. B. R. Wise, in THE MAKING OF THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH (1913), gives a racy account of the process, but is not free from personal and political prejudices.

CHAPTERS XXVIII and XXIX. - The materials for a study of the work of the Federal Parliament and Government are to be found in the Acts, Votes and Proceedings, Debates, and Parliamentary Papers. Gyles Turner (1911) published a review of the FIRST DECADE OF THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH, strongly coloured by the political views of the author. See also M. Willard's HISTORY OF THE WHITE AUSTRALIA POLICY (1923).

CHAPTER XXX. - The books relating to Australia's participation in the war are numerous, and it is not proposed here to give a complete list of them. The most important are selected. C. E. W. Bean (part author and general editor), OFFICIAL HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA IN THE GREAT WAR, is published under the authority of the Commonwealth Government. It is very full, consisting of twelve volumes, and is lavishly illustrated. Sir Charles Lucas (general editor), THE EMPIRE AT WAR, records the Australian effort as part of the general imperial history. Sir John Monash, THE AUSTRALIAN VICTORIES IN FRANCE, is of first-class importance. P. F. E. Schuler, AUSTRALIA IN ARMS, A NARRATIVE OF THE A.I.F., one of the earliest of the Australian war books, was written by a young soldier who lost his life in the war. F. M. Cutlack, THE AUSTRALIANS, THEIR FINAL CAMPAIGN, is a notably good work. Sir Ian Hamilton, GALLIPOLI DIARIES, is a fascinating narrative by the commander of the Gallipoli campaign. Staniforth Smith, AUSTRALIAN CAMPAIGNS IN THE GREAT WAR, is a useful general summary. Sydney de Loghe, THE STRAITS IMPREGNABLE, and John Masefield, GALLIPOLI, are both eloquent and vivid. W. J. Denny, The Diggers; P. MacGill, THE DIGGERS, THE AUSTRALIANS IN FRANCE; C. E. W. Bean, LETTERS FROM FRANCE; St. John Adcock, AUSTRALASIA TRIUMPHANT; Sir E. Ashmead-Bartlett, DESPATCHES FROM THE DARDANELLES, AN EPIC OF HEROISM; H. W. Nevinson, THE DARDANELLES CAMPAIGN, are all notable books. W. S. Kent-Hughes, MODERN CRUSADERS; and C. Barrett, AUSTRALIA IN PALESTINE, are valuable. L. E. Reeves, AUSTRALIANS IN ACTION IN NEW GUINEA, and F. S. Bassett, AUSTRALIA VERSUS GERMANY, THE STORY OF THE TAKING OF GERMAN NEW GUINEA, deal with phases of the war in the Pacific. The following books are concerned with the work of particular regiments and sections: A. D. Ellis, THE STORY OF THE 5TH AUSTRALIAN DIVISION; F. C. Green, THE FORTIETH; T. H. Darley, WITH THE NINTH LIGHT HORSE; W. Devine, THE STORY OF A BATTALION; H. B. Collett, THE 28TH; E. Fairey, THE 38TH BATTALION; M. B. B. Keatinge, WAR BOOK OF THE THIRD PIONEER BATTALION. K. F. Cramp, AUSTRALIAN WINNERS OF THE VICTORIA CROSS, is also useful.

CHAPTER XXXI. - The material for this chapter comes from a variety of contemporary records, particularly the COMMONWEALTH YEAR BOOKS and other official publications, especially for the war years the DIGEST OF DECISIONS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS.

CHAPTER XXXII. - The official reports of the Colonial and Imperial Conferences contain material which is essential for the study of the relations between the dominions and the mother-country in recent years. The works of the writers mentioned in the chapter are all easily procurable. There are several anthologies of Australian verse. The best are those edited by Bertram Stevens (1906) and Walter Murdoch (1918).



The original plan for a settlement of small holdings - The growth of large estates - Organization on capitalist basis - Rise of trade unions - Effect of gold discoveries on social conditions - The growth of trade unions after 1850 - The depression of the 'nineties and the 'Great Strikes' - The growth of industrial arbitration and the rise of the Labour Party - William Lane and 'New Australia! - The development of a 'middle class' - The growth of social services - Education, health and social welfare - The standard of living in Australia.

The original plan of the British government was to establish a settlement of small farmers and traders in Australia. Governor Phillip had instructions to make small grants of land to convicts who had served their sentences, and somewhat larger areas to free settlers and members of the armed forces, who wished to settle. But free settlers and officers soon found there was not enough profit to be made out of small holdings, for the land round Sydney was not fertile and productive. They began to buy up the land of ex-convicts and soldiers, and to acquire large estates worked by labourers - mainly ex-convicts or 'assigned' convicts. The growth of large holdings was strongly encouraged by John Macarthur's success in sheep-breeding, and by the fact that he received a grant of 5,000 acres at Camden Park (near Sydney) in 1805. Thereafter land grants were made in proportion to a settler's capital, and so grants of thousands of acres were frequent. These large holdings were partly necessary because of Australian soil and conditions, but also because from about 1820 sheep-farming became more important than agriculture. Crops were grown only for local consumption, whereas grazing not only provided meat for the local market but also exports of wool which steadily grew in importance. By 1850 Australia had become the world's chief EXPORTER of wool, and this was nearly all produced on large 'runs.' This meant that the original plan of settlement was scrapped; instead of Australia becoming a country of small farms worked by their owners, as in Europe or in Ireland, most farms were large and were worked by labourers.

Thus from an early period in Australian history there was a relatively small class of employers and a relatively large class of wage-earners. This is a fact of importance because until the wage-earners were able to organize in strong trade unions, and to obtain political rights, they were not able to do much to improve their wages and working conditions, or their living conditions generally. Thus while the 'squatters' were frequently able to make fortunes, or at least to make very comfortable provision for their old age, this was not so easy in the case of wage-earners who might often become a burden on their families. Wages for shepherds employed on stations in the period 1830-1850 were about 25 pounds a year with 'keep'; for hut-keepers on 'stations' they were about 20 pounds a year with 'keep.' These were perhaps the worst paid jobs and were mostly filled by 'old lags' (ex-convicts), or even by 'assigned' convicts down to 1840. The colonial-born Australians were generally able to earn better wages than these; they took up more active jobs such as shearers and teamsters, or horse-breakers and drovers, and were generally a much more independent type. It is not difficult to understand why the squatters wanted transportation to continue, for convicts were a source of cheap labour to them. But by about 1835 British prisons were no longer able to supply enough convicts to meet the needs of the growing wool industry. That is partly why Britain began to assist emigrants to go to Australia from 1832, by paying the greater part or even the whole of their passage money. When transportation came to an end, the squatters were glad to have these assisted immigrants, and right down to recent times employers have been the chief supporters of assisted migration to this country.

So long as employers depended mainly on 'assigned' convicts for labour it was impossible of course to have trade unions. But gradually in the towns, especially in Sydney, the number of free labourers began to grow. As early as 1831 there were organizations among the skilled artisans, such as printers and cabinet-makers, in Sydney. Since it was illegal at this time to form trade unions they called themselves 'benefit societies' - to-day known as friendly societies - but there is no doubt that they were also trade unions in the modern sense. Their growth was slow until after 1850; they were confined to the capital cities, and to skilled workers who were better able to take a stand against their employers because their numbers were limited. The assisted immigration of free labourers helped the growth of trade unions a little, but it was the great flood of population that came with the gold rushes after 1850 that enabled them to make their first great advances.

The gold finds of the eighteen-fifties had revolutionary effects upon Australian society. The total population, which had been about 438,000 at the end of 1851, was 1,168,000 by the end of 1861. About three-quarters of the increase had come from immigration, and these immigrants swamped the old ex-convict stock. But more than that, these immigrants came in the first place to dig for gold, TO WORK FOR THEMSELVES. For the first ten years most of the gold was won by 'alluvial' mining - by washing the surface dirt. Then it became increasingly difficult to make a living from 'alluvial' mining, and those who stuck to mining had to take jobs with companies which had the capital to sink deep shafts and install expensive machinery. But during the eighteen-fifties there was a great shortage of labourers, because so many went off to work on the 'diggings.' Moreover the rapidly growing population meant a rapidly increasing demand for goods, so that those who did take jobs could obtain higher wages. This was seen particularly in the building trades, because there was a housing shortage even worse than that at the end of the war of 1939-45. In 1857 more than 45,000 dwellings were of canvas, so that a large proportion of the population were living in tents. Consequently between 1855 and 1858 the workers in the building trades in Sydney and Melbourne were able to obtain an eight-hour day. They were able to do this, and also to get higher wages, because of the greatly increased demand for labour and a relative shortage of supply. Workers generally were able to obtain higher wages; just before 1850 wages for skilled workers were about 4/-to 5/-a day, but in 1855 they were 25/-to 30/-. Of course, rates did not stay at this level. As unsuccessful 'diggers' went looking for jobs wage-rates began to fall, and by 1860 they were down to 10/-to 16/-a day. But wages never fell back to the old rates that prevailed before 1850.

The rise in wages was due to several causes. In the first place workers were producing a greater value per head, and so employers could afford to pay more. But in addition there were other avenues opening up for men beside a job at wages. The Selection Acts after 1861 made it possible for men to take up small farms (40 to 320 acres, later up to 640 acres), and to buy them over a period of years on reasonable terms. There was a good demand for their produce - wheat and dairy products - so that sheep and wool-raising no longer had a practical monopoly of the field. A third reason was that men were making more use of trade unions to bargain with employers, and to maintain their wages and conditions. Still another factor from 1865 was the rise of factory industries which also offered alternative employments. It was no accident that Victoria was the first State to use protective tariffs to establish industries, because most of the gold miners were there and the Victorian government was anxious that when they left mining they should not drift away. So the first factories for woollen textiles, boots and shoes, and leather goods were established in Victoria. Factory workers are easier to organize than scattered rural workers, and so the growth of trade unions was helped by factory development. Nevertheless, in spite of closer settlement and new industries wages fell till about 1870, when the daily wages for a skilled worker were from 8/6 to 10/-; still about double what they had been twenty years earlier. They were kept at those rates for the next twenty years, while a slight fall took place in the cost of living. In 1903 Sir Timothy Coghlan, formerly Government Statistician for New South Wales, said that the years 1872-1893 were 'the brightest period in Australia's history for the wage-earners.'

Trade unions played an important part in maintaining these gains in this period. Outside the capital cities we see the first successful trade unions being formed among the miners, first the coal miners of the Newcastle district in 1861, and then the gold miners in the Amalgamated Miners' Association of Victoria in 1872. A few years later this became the Amalgamated Miners' Association of Australasia, taking in members even in New Zealand, and reaching a membership of about 25,000. William Guthrie Spence became secretary of the A.M.A., and a few years later he was asked to organize the shearers. Here was a field where a trade union was certainly needed, for some of the 'bosses' gave their 'hands' the roughest conditions imaginable. In 1886 shearers' unions were organized in Queensland and Victoria; within a year Spence had enrolled 9,000 members in the Amalgamated Shearers' Union. This became the Australian Workers' Union (A.W.U.) in 1893, and ten years later had a membership of 50,000. It still remains the chief organization for rural workers - shearers, cane-cutters, fruit-pickers - and is one of the leading unions. The Shearers' Union was able to bring about great improvements in wages and conditions.

As a result of these developments the strength of the trade union movement steadily increased down to about 1890. In 1840 there was only one trade unionist in every 320 people in Australia; in 1885 there was one in every 54. Nowadays there is about one in every seven, but the law is very much more favourable towards them to-day than it was before 1885. Before 1850 trade unions were prohibited by law on pain of imprisonment, but after 1855 Australian governments became more tolerant, and ceased to prosecute workers for taking part in trade union activities. Once again the 'diggers' were largely responsible for this, just as they were for the Selection Acts to unlock the land, and tariff protection to foster secondary industries. It was their pressure in the eighteen-fifties which was largely responsible for, or the adoption by, the States of democratic constitutions with MANHOOD suffrage. With a democratic franchise governments had to treat wage-earners more carefully - or risk defeat at the next elections. Moreover the legislatures were no longer dominated by employers to the same extent, and wage-earners were sometimes able to protect their conditions by legislation. This was seen in matters of immigration, when wage-earners in Victoria were able to obtain an act restricting the immigration of Chinese as early as 1855. This was followed by nearly all the other States, and was the beginning of the 'White Australia' policy. But wage-earners also objected to their governments bringing ASSISTED immigrants to Australia to compete in the labour markets here, and so by 1890 Victoria, South Australia, New South Wales and Tasmania, had all ceased paying for passages for assisted immigrants. Moreover, through their political power, wage-earners were able to gain improved status for trade unions. Although they were no longer suppressed after 1850 trade unions were not recognized as 'legal entities' in the way that joint-stock companies were. Consequently they could not sue anyone in the courts to protect their property and funds. South Australia was the first State to give legal recognition to trade unions in this way in 1876, following the British example. All the other States did likewise before 1890.

Another advance in this period was the organization of trade unions on a national basis. Some of the workers, like the shearers and the miners, were not confined within state boundaries. Their work might take them across state boundaries, and it was clearly in the interest of wage earners that wages and conditions should not be very different in different States. So 'national' unions began to develop. Moreover it was to the advantage of wage earners that the trade unions should as far as possible have a common policy, whether they were state or national. So in 1879 the first Australian Conference of Trade Unions was held in Sydney, and these have been held frequently ever since. These conferences were interested in such matters as getting uniform factory laws in the various States, in a uniform immigration policy, in obtaining payment for members of parliament and extending the franchise. The first Shops and Factories Acts were also passed in this period in order to limit the hours of work, and to see that working conditions did not fall below a certain standard. By 1900 all States except Tasmania had passed such legislation.

There is abundant evidence above that wage-earners in Australia were able to improve their 'standard of living' in many ways between 1850 and 1890. The average wage earner in 1890 was vastly better off than his counterpart in 1850. But after 1890 this advance suffered a check, and it took some ten years or more to recover from this setback. The experience of the decade after 1893 showed very clearly that the continued improvement of the 'standard of living' depended on the general prosperity of the country being maintained. In 1893 began one of the worst economic depressions in our history. It was caused in the first place by the fall in prices of our exports such as wool, metals and wheat. It became impossible to raise loans in England to build railways and other necessary works, as had been done on a large scale for some twenty years. So unemployment grew, wages fell, and working conditions grew worse. Trade unions tried to resist the reduction of wages, and the worsening of working conditions, and the years 1890-95 were marked by some of the most serious labour disputes in our history - the 'great strikes of the 'nineties.' The conflict began with a maritime strike, but soon the powerful shearers' union was involved, and two more shearers' strikes occurred in Queensland during the next few years. These were accompanied by acts of violence on both sides. and the miners were also involved in a lengthy dispute at Broken Hill in 1892. The unions were defeated in all these struggles because there were so many unemployed as a result of the depression. Hungry men, with no unemployment relief to keep them alive, volunteered for work which the strikers refused; the solidarity of labour was broken. Neither the employers nor strikers came out of the conflict with much credit, and the general public suffered a great deal as a result of this turmoil. There was a good deal of public sympathy with the trade unionists, and little liking for some of the tactics of the employers, but in the end the public got rather tired of being pushed around by the two contending parties. They were very ready to find some scheme for peaceful settlement of industrial disputes.

So the 'big strikes of the 'nineties' had several important results. First, the trade union movement was broken for the time being, and it did not regain its numbers for about fifteen years. It was in no position to make any important gains for its members during this period. But this had the effect of causing wage-earners to seek improvements by political action, and led to the growth of the political Labour Party. This actually began in New South Wales in 1890, and it was soon in a position in the parliaments of the various states to hold the balance of power between the two older political parties. Thus they were able to obtain many concessions in return for supporting one of the older political parties in office. Out of the failure of the strikes also came the movement for industrial arbitration in Australia - though of course this had to be introduced by political action, by act of parliament. Thus came about the establishment of Wages Boards in Victoria in 1896, and of a Court of Industrial Arbitration in New South Wales in 1901. The industrial court has been the form adopted by all the other states except Tasmania; it was also adopted by the Commonwealth in 1904. The Commonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration is only concerned with disputes extending beyond one state, but it quickly became the most important since most trade unions are national in scope, with members in more than one state. Trade unions are not obliged to resort to the court, but if they favour industrial arbitration they register with it, and then all their disputes must be referred to it. The dispute is settled if possible by a conference of the parties involved, and if this fails then the court gives judgment and imposes its decision.

A rather curious result of the defeat of trade unionism in the 'nineties was an attempt to found a socialist settlement called New Australia in Paraguay. The inspirer of this Utopian venture was William Lane, who settled in Brisbane in 1883. He had been the leading figure in the Queensland labour movement while Spence had been busy in the South. He did a great deal of hard work in building up the trade unions in Queensland, and also a political party. But disillusioned by defeat in 1894 he led a band of followers to build a new Jerusalem in Paraguay. Socialism is not built, however, by adherents who run away from their defeats to begin again in some 'green and pleasant land.' It was no easier to establish socialism in Paraguay in 1894 than in Queensland; in fact Queensland to-day is probably closer to socialism than Paraguay, for although Lane departed others remained to work for his ideal.

While the wage-earners were organizing to improve their conditions there had also been a growth of a 'middle class,' especially of small farmers. The selection acts helped to make land available for them, and when an export-trade in wheat to England and Europe began about 1870 it made possible a great expansion of wheat-farming. By 1890 Australia had become one of the important wheat-exporting countries, and thousands were occupied in growing wheat on farms most of which were worked by the farmer and his family. The discovery of refrigeration and the cream separator made it possible after 1885 to develop a similar export trade in dairy products, and so thousands were also able to take up dairying on small family-worked farms. Refrigeration also made it possible to develop an export trade in frozen beef, mutton and lamb - and fat-lamb raising could be carried on on medium-sized properties where there was a good rainfall or irrigation. Irrigation began in Victoria after 1886, and was mainly used in the Mildura and Renmark (South Australia) districts for growing vines and citrus fruits. These are still the main centres of the dried fruits and citrus fruit industry in Australia, and they have been greatly expanded by a system of weirs and locks on the river Murray. This encouragement of 'closer settlement' by small farmers has continued right down to the present. As a result we do not depend as much as we used to on the pastoral industry, though its output is still more valuable than that of agriculture or dairying alone.

But although closer settlement has helped to increase the number of the middle class, their proportion of the population between 1911 and 1933 remained fairly steady. The censuses of these years showed that wage and salary earners are easily the biggest class. In 1933 they made up 77 per cent. of the working population, while workers on their own account (i.e. farmers, small shopkeepers etc.) were only 15 per cent., and employers 8 per cent. It was only natural therefore that under political democracy both State and Commonwealth governments should take account of the needs and wishes of wage-earners, especially with the rise of political Labour parties.

It is mainly in the period since federation that governments in Australia have undertaken to provide 'social services' - such as public health and education - for the people, and raised the money for these purposes by taxation. This has come about largely because it is cheaper for the State (or Commonwealth) to provide these on a large scale, and also because if the government did not provide these services in many cases they would not be provided at all. So governments, sometimes local governments, have also provided railways, tramways, gas and electricity supply, water supply and irrigation, in response to public needs and demands. All parties have done their part in this growth of collective action to provide public services, but probably the Labour Party has been mainly responsible for measures of relief for the needy and unfortunate though they certainly have not had a monopoly of legislation of this kind. But measures such as the Workers' Compensation Acts, providing compensation for injury incurred at work, were introduced by the various States and the Commonwealth by 1915, largely as a result of Labour pressure and in return for Labour support.

The introduction of compulsory education goes back much before this date. A system of 'free compulsory and secular' education was the ideal of those who fought for democratic institutions in the days of the gold rushes. This policy was adopted in Victoria in 1872, and by New South Wales in 1880; it has been followed in all the States of the Commonwealth. The provision for public education by the various States has increased considerably since 1900; just before war began in 1939 it was really about double the amount per head that was spent in 1901. But there were many people who thought that much more needed to be done, especially in certain States, and that the school leaving age should be raised above 14 years. In Tasmania it has already been raised to 16 years, in New South Wales to 15, and Victoria is to make it 15 years as soon as school accommodation has been provided for the increased numbers. The Commonwealth also came into the field of education during the war of 1939-1945, by providing allowances for University students as well as money for research work to be done in the Universities. The chief reason for this was that Australia needed more trained scientists, doctors and engineers in order to make our best effort in the common cause of the United Nations, but it seems likely that this assistance to education will continue in the future. The opportunities for everyone to obtain education are better now than they have ever been - which is not the same as saying that they are as good as they could or should be.

Just before federation the States began to make better provision for public health, and South Australia passed a Public Health Act in 1898; Queensland followed in 1900. By 1915 all the other States had passed similar legislation to raise the standard of health of the people. The Commonwealth also has powers to promote public health, especially powers of quarantine to prevent the introduction of diseases from overseas. But in addition the Commonwealth established its own Department of Health in 1921. It makes its main contribution to the health of the community by providing for a School of Tropical Medicine (at Sydney), for research into causes of diseases, and also through the Commonwealth Serum Laboratories. The latter make available the necessary serums for protecting the people by inoculation against disease, and also undertakes the production of penicillin, the great new discovery in the field of medicine.

Closely allied to the work of public health is the care for the welfare of old people and invalids, of widows and orphans, of mothers and babies. Some of these 'welfare services' have been carried out by the health departments of the various States, for example by the establishment of baby health centres which help mothers to look after the health of their children. As a result of this work, of improved medical care and knowledge, as well as the rising standard of living, there has been a great reduction in the deaths of children in their first year. In 1901 more than 10 per cent. of babies died in their first year, but by 1941 it was only 4 per cent. There has also been a great reduction in the death rate of the population as a whole, which fell from nearly 15 per 1,000 in 1891 to less than 10 per thousand in 1941. The average length of life has grown because as a community we have been growing richer, and because our knowledge of how to combat disease has been increasing. But it is also because we have taken steps to make better provision for the old, the needy, the sick and injured; this work is no longer left mainly to voluntary charitable organizations.

In 1908 the Commonwealth passed an Old Age Pensions Act, to provide modest pensions for old people whose means were not sufficient for their support. In 1912 it also provided maternity allowances to assist mothers to meet the cost of bearing children. Invalid pensions were also provided by the Commonwealth (1910) for people who by reason of illness and incapacity are unable to maintain themselves. Pensions for widows who are left with inadequate means of support have also been introduced by the Commonwealth in the year 1942. In addition all the States through the Workers' Compensation Acts see that people injured in the course of their work are compensated. But one great evil remained unprovided for by the governments until recently - that was unemployment. Queensland introduced a system of Unemployment Insurance in 1923, but there was no similar provision by other States. Nevertheless during the great depression from 1930-34 all States found it necessary to impose special unemployment taxes, and to spend large sums on relief of the unemployed. This experience drew attention to the need for a national system of health and unemployment benefits, and after an abortive attempt in 1938 this was eventually provided by the Commonwealth in the Social Security Act (1944). These measures have been very important in raising the standard of living of the community as a whole. The amount spent by the Commonwealth and States on public health and welfare in this way amounted in 1939-40 to 34,000,000 pounds. This was nearly 5 pounds per head of population, and represented three times as much as was being spent in the year before the war of 1914.

Some people have criticized these measures for the welfare of the poor and needy on the grounds that they will destroy people's self-reliance, and their willingness to make provision for themselves. The provision made, however, has not been so generous that people in receipt of pensions or unemployment relief are as well off as if they were fully employed. Nor is there any convincing evidence that public care for the welfare of the people has decreased their will to save and make provision for themselves. Before the introduction of old-age pensions, workers' compensation and sickness benefits, wage-earners commonly made provision against these things by membership of friendly societies, such as the Australian Natives' Association, or through their trade unions. In 1912 nearly 10 per cent. of the population belonged to friendly societies, and it was still nearly 9 per cent. in 1938. The slight decline in reliance on the friendly society has been due largely to the growth of private insurance. People have made more and more use of life assurance, and 'industrial assurance,' to meet the needs of old age, illness, and accident. Between 1920 and 1938 life policies increased from 692,000 to 1,181,000, and their average value from 243 pounds to 342 pounds; industrial policies grew from 904,000 to 2,368,000 and their average value from 29 pounds to 45 pounds. At the same time deposits in savings banks went on increasing steadily, except in the depression, and the average per head of population grew from 8 pounds in 1901 to 35 pounds in 1939. There is little indication here of a decline in the willingness to save, but rather of a greater capacity to save because of rising incomes.

The mention of rising incomes brings us to consider the question whether the wage-earner is any better off than he was before the great depression of the eighteen-nineties. Are his 'real' wages, that is, measured in things that they will buy, any better? The answer is that the average real wage in 1938 was over 30 per cent. higher than in 1891. How has this come about? Mainly because the working population was able to produce more value per head because of better knowledge and equipment. Over this period the output per person in work increased about 50 per cent., and this made possible a rise in all incomes. But a rise in the value of output produced does not AUTOMATICALLY bring a rise in wages, any more than a fall brings about a reduction. These are matters which have to be settled by bargaining - and sometimes by strikes and lockouts. We have already seen how the suffering and loss caused by industrial disputes in the 'nineties led to the introduction of industrial arbitration. This has become the method by which alterations of wages and working conditions are most commonly brought about in Australia. The system of industrial arbitration which is in vogue in Australia and New Zealand has not prevented strikes and lock-outs in many cases, but it is fairly certain that it has greatly reduced the amount of time lost through industrial disputes.

Nor has arbitration done away with the need for trade unions; on the contrary it has fostered them, because the arbitration courts have recognized trade unions as the representatives of the wage-earners. So although some people are still very hostile to trade unions, and though we may grumble when we suffer inconvenience, trade unions have come to be accepted as one of our social institutions. For many years now it has been recognized that our trade union movement is one of the most effective in the world.

A particular feature of industrial arbitration in Australia is the fixing of a basic wage, that is a minimum wage, for those industries which are subject to awards of the Commonwealth or State Arbitration Courts. The basic wage is the lowest wage that can be legally paid in any industry that is subject to an award, but certain classes of workers, for example domestic servants, do not work under awards. However, the great majority of wage-earners have their wages regulated by awards, or 'determinations' of wages boards. The basic wage was first laid down by an award of the Commonwealth Court, which was given by Henry Bourne Higgins in 1907 in the famous Harvester Judgment. This wage was supposed to be the minimum sufficient for an unskilled worker with a wife and three children. It became the basis of future awards not only by the Commonwealth but also by the State arbitration courts. It has been criticized by some who think it is too little especially for a married man with children, and by others who claim it is too high especially for unmarried men. With regard to the first criticism it must be remembered that the majority of workers under awards receive more than the basic wage, because they receive 'margins for skill' or because of the prosperity of their industry which can afford to pay rates above the basic wage. When Justice Higgins declared that a 'fair and reasonable' wage for an unskilled worker would be 42/-a week, this was a considerable advance on the average unskilled wage of 33/-in 1907. Since 1920 the basic wage has been adjusted to the cost of living at regular intervals of six months, and since 1923 every three mouths. In 1922 the basic wage was increased by the addition of 3/-a week by Justice Powers - the 'Powers three shillings' - but in the depression in 1931 it was reduced by 10 per cent., which meant on the average a fall in the basic wage from 86/-to 77/-a week. This reduction was partly restored in 1934, and the real basic wage was more than fully restored in 1937. It is possible that in view of the increase in output per worker over the last forty years that the basic wage ought to be higher, but few people in Australia quarrel with the PRINCIPLE that a minimum wage should be prescribed.

There was certainly point in the criticism that the basic wage was not enough for the married man with a large family. This was recognized by the government of New South Wales which introduced a system of allowances for children by a Child Endowment Act in 1926. But the example was not followed in other States, and in 1940 the Commonwealth introduced a system of child endowment. This was a payment of 5/-a week, later raised to 7/6 a week, for each child in the family, after the first, under the age of sixteen. In effect then the basic wage became the minimum wage for the unskilled worker, his wife, and one child; the incomes for all married workers with more than one child were raised.

While wages have risen during the fifty years between 1891 and 1941 the average length of the working week has been reduced. Although many unions had been able to get the eight-hour day, and the 48-hour week for their members before 1891, the AVERAGE working week was much longer. Even as late as 1907 the average working week was about 50 hours. This has been steadily reduced by awards until in 1940 the average working week was 44 hours. In addition the working conditions have also improved as a result of increased knowledge, and of the work of factory inspectors, trade unions, arbitration courts and enlightened employers.

As a result of improved social conditions the attitude of wage-earners towards immigration seems to be changing. As Australia began to recover from the long period of depression between 1893 to 1908 the demand for labour increased rapidly, and tens of thousands of British immigrants came into Australia in the years just before the war of 1914. Also the States returned to a policy of assisting these immigrants by paying most of their passage money. This policy was resumed after the war of 1914-18 as a result of joint action by the Commonwealth and the British Governments. During the nineteen-twenties there was considerable opposition from our trade unions to this ASSISTANCE being given, since there was a certain amount of unemployment from year to year even before the depression. There does not at any time seem to have been any objection to those who came at their own expense. With the onset of the depression the Scullin (Labour) Government brought the scheme of assisted migration to an end. It was never revived to any important extent down to 1939. But during the nineteen-thirties people began to realize that our population was growing very slowly, and that it might even cease to grow and begin to decline within about forty years if things continued as they were. This was regarded as undesirable for a number of reasons. Partly as a result of this, partly because of the growth of 'social services,' and partly because the policy of maintaining high employment has been accepted by all parties, hostility towards assisted immigration has declined. The Chifley (Labour) Government in 1945 began negotiations with the British Government to help British people settle in Australia as soon as conditions are suitable, and as soon ha housing conditions are good enough. It is not likely, however, that immigration by itself will be able to prevent an eventual decline in our population. The only certain way to prevent this is some increase in the average size of the Australian family.

Besides taking action to raise the standard of living by means of social services, and by legislation to improve working and living conditions, much has been done in other directions also. Commonwealth, state and local governments have often undertaken to provide services which are essential, or which tend to be 'natural monopolies.' In the latter case public ownership and control are generally exercised so that the public will not be exploited through excessive charges. So state or local governments in Australia have undertaken to provide tramway and other transport services, the supply of gas, water, and electricity. Some of the most important public enterprises of this kind are the State Electricity Commission's plant at Yallourn, Victoria, and the Tasmanian Government's hydro-electric plant at Great Lake. Equally important for a country of scanty rainfall are the great works which store water for irrigation and other purposes, such as Burrinjuck (N.S.W.), the Hume Weir on the upper Murray, and the weirs on the Dawson and Stanley Rivers in Queensland. Railways are also a service which have been provided almost entirely by the States and the Commonwealth, and in relation to our population our railway mileage is one of the largest in the world. The growth of motor traffic since 1900 has also led the various States to set up main roads boards to build and keep up the main roads. Since 1926 they have been helped by the Commonwealth, which has used some of the money raised by the import duty on petrol to subsidise road-building by the States.

There is little doubt that Australians are a fortunate people. Though they number little more than seven millions, (the figure reached in 1939), they have a continent at their disposal. Though one-third of this continent is sand or desert country, and another third is semi-arid land good only for sparse grazing, there still remains a large area that is suitable for closer settlement. Our country is rather deficient in rivers and forests, but we can use our knowledge to make the best of these resources and conserve them carefully. Our mineral resources though not nearly so rich as those of America are fairly good, and certainly adequate to develop the manufacturing industries that we need. We are sometimes criticized because about two-thirds of our population live in cities, but this in a common feature in countries which have adopted modern mechanical methods of production. We have been fortunate in having been able to draw on the knowledge and resources of the Old World, and especially the British Isles, to develop our country and to achieve a high standard of living. Our rural industries are among the most efficient in the world, and if we follow policies of wisdom our manufacturing industries should gradually increase in efficiency and develop an important export trade. But if we wish to continue in the peaceful enjoyment of our continent it is not enough that we should be able to enjoy what is, relatively to many other countries, an easy and pleasant life. We need to make our own peculiar contribution to the well-being of the rest of the world, and to assist in raising the standards of living of countries less fortunately placed than ourselves. This would be a counsel of self-preservation, as well as being in keeping with the Australian ideal of what is fair and reasonable.